Chapter One: The Right Kind of Protest

Preamble

This book serves as a follow-up to my previous work, The Game Changer for National Transformation, with the foreword penned by Ambassador Dr Yemi Farounbi. The book you are currently reading was partly inspired by an inner compulsion to address the growing demands for good leadership in Nigeria. Additionally, I was motivated by a recent call from the Broadcasting Corporation of Oyo State (BCOS) and Pastor Adegoju Adewumi.

This book is my own way of protesting against bad governance that has plagued our nation for decades. This is a constructive alternative model for sustainable growth and development in its entirety.

Protest is inevitable from time to time. But when protest is carried out, how effective is it to lead to positive outcomes.

This book is also a response to the national protest in Nigeria that took place between 1st August and 10th August 2024. The protest, which was aptly named “End Bad Governance,” was poised to be the mother of all protests. So significant was the movement that many of our national leaders and senators were forced to take sudden vacations to God knows where.

Their hasty departures suggest that they too are aware of their failures towards the citizens; for there’s an indescribable boldness that follow us if we do the right thing. These leaders over the years have enriched themselves at the expense of the populace. To compound matters, they have been borrowing heavily from international communities to fund lifestyles far more luxurious than those of their lenders.

The stark reality is that many regions across the country are increasingly dissatisfied with the abysmal performance of our national leaders in the last many decades.

This book delves into the issues, examining the causes of the widespread discontent and exploring potential pathways to a better future.

The protest commenced despite numerous entreaties from the government. However, it quickly became apparent that the nature of the protest varied significantly across the different ethnic groups in Nigeria. It soon became obvious that the parties involved had diverse interests, which, unfortunately, did not align with the broader national interest. Within a short period, the protest revealed its ethnic undertones.

In the northern part of Nigeria, the protest took on a particularly cataclysmic and worrying dimension. The unrest led to the destruction of government properties, theft, and significant disruption to the lives of ordinary citizens. Many in the North were disgruntled, partly because they felt disenfranchised with a president who did not share their regional background. There was also a sense of unease regarding the president’s attempts to challenge the status quo that has persisted since Nigeria’s independence. This status quo, while flawed, has been a familiar anchor for many, and any attempts to change it have been met with resistance; even when it’s glaring that the old system is failing to deliver good governance.

It is our hope that the president’s intentions are noble, as some of his actions have been commendable such as creating autonomy for local governments throughout the nation which is a form of decentralisation. However, we must acknowledge that intentions and actions are distinct entities with differing outcomes.

If we fail to reassess and modify the status quo, the nation risks remaining stagnant, to its own peril, indefinitely.

In contrast to the North, the eastern part of Nigeria opted for a more passive stance during the protest. The Eastern bloc largely believes that the current president was imposed upon the general populace, and therefore, they chose to observe from the sidelines, watching with a sense of derision as the government struggles to meet expectations. Their detachment can be interpreted as a form of silent protest, expressing their dissatisfaction with the political process and the outcome of the elections.

In the western part of the country, where the president hails from, participation in the protest was more measured. Some joined the protest, driven by the belief that the president was underperforming and failing to meet the expectations placed upon him. However, the numbers were relatively small compared with that of the North, as a considerable portion of the populace felt compelled to defend their kinsman, despite his perceived shortcomings. Notably, the protest in the West seemed to have a more mature and nationalistic tone, focused on the broader interest of the country. This approach holds promise and could serve as a foundation for more effective and organised protests in the future. The fact that they took to the streets, despite the president being from their region, is a testament to their commitment to national interests over ethnic loyalties.

What is the Sin of the Government?

It is widely believed that since the president assumed office, his primary ambition has been securing a second term, placing this goal above all other concerns. His body language suggests that he has been more focused on ingratiating himself with the aristocratic class and the wealthy and powerful individuals who could influence his future, while simultaneously weakening those who might stand in his way—a strategy reminiscent of Machiavellian intrigues. For example, he has made numerous concessions and purchases for senators and his allies within the government barely few months into the office.

Yet, he calls on the general populace to sacrifice and to understand that he is working for the good of the masses. However, it is evident that his actions are empowering the already powerful and making the rich even richer, while the poor are being driven closer to destitution.

Take, for instance, the distribution of palliatives and food to the poor during the hyperinflation that followed his policy of removing the oil subsidy. The distribution was handled centrally, in such a way that the poor had little to no access to what was rightfully theirs. In a radio interview, I spoke candidly: I cannot name even three people close to me who benefited from the palliatives intended to cushion the effects of inflation due to the oil subsidy removal by the government. The question then arises: how were these palliatives distributed? It was obviously enmeshed in corruption from the start.

On two or three occasions, we witnessed hoodlums fighting to steal the little that was brought into some local governments. The weak and the poor were left with no means to obtain anything. In this age of technology, it is well within our capability to distribute palliatives in a more efficient and transparent manner, where every individual could walk in and collect what is due to them using a stringent method of identification. However, to facilitate unaccountability, the palliatives were shared by proxy, following the most predictable methods of corrupt leadership.

I find it hard to believe that our leaders are so naïve as to think the citizens are unaware of what is happening. It seems more likely that greed is blinding them, making them behave like the foolish ostrich that hides only its head, leaving its entire body exposed.

Furthermore, despite the removal of the oil subsidy over the past year and beyond, the government has failed to implement any effective method of delivering the dividends of governance to the general public, leaving the population to endure increasing hardship. If the current trajectory continues, we may see repeated protests. If left unchecked, this unrest could eventually catch the leaders off guard. There will come a time when the people will simply no longer tolerate it.

My Long Term Vision

I hope this book will serve as the midwife for the new nation we are eagerly anticipating—a better nation forged through the right kind of protests. Much like my earlier work, The Game Changer for National Transformation, I envision this book becoming an essential part of our archives, preserved for future generations. It will stand as a testament that not everyone accepted the barbaric leadership styles imposed upon us since independence. I offer this book as a blueprint for nurturing a great and preeminent nation when the time comes—a guide to help us navigate towards a brighter future; not just our nation but as many who will readily imbibe the ideologies within the pages of this book. I write with the future in mind.

The words of Martin Luther King Jr. in his final speech, “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop,” delivered on 3rd April 1968, illuminate the ultimate triumph of just causes over injustice:

“I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the Promised Land.”

Indeed, after his passing, the African-American community began to see the realisation of the freedom they sought—a freedom that was once a distant dream. Regardless of one’s perspective, it is undeniable that people of colour in America are in a better position now than they were a century ago, thanks to figures like Martin Luther King Jr., who rose to the occasion.

This sentiment echoes the biblical story of Joseph, who, on his deathbed, assured the Israelites that God’s promise would come to pass—that they would return to the Promised Land. As a symbol of this certainty, he instructed them to carry his bones with them when the time came, as a token that God would fulfil His word.

The purpose of this book is to reassure us that change is imminent, that transformation is at our doorstep. Very soon, as a nation, we will sing a new song of relief from the grip of poor leadership. We will emerge as a people who become a reference point for other nations, for we will rise from this valley of despondency and misguided leadership to become a great nation; just likened to a “Phoenix rising from its ashes”.